Fundamental contradictions

So here's an excerpt of something I seem to have working on forever, basically I'm trying to place the idea of a 'fudamental contradiction' being responsible for legal indeterminacy within a Marxian framework:

At this point it is useful to return to the Critical Legal Studies Movement. Much of the analysis of the Critical Legal Studies Movement focuses on the notion of a ‘fundamental contradiction’. It is held that indeterminacy in the law is a by-product of fundamentally irreconcilable postulates of liberal ideology. For Duncan Kennedy ‘the goal of individual freedom is at the same time dependent on and incompatible with the communal coercive action that is necessary to achieve it’.[1] The irreconcilability of the individual and the community in liberal political theory is said to pervade all legal doctrines in some way, shape or form, and as such ‘a valid, clear rule may be inapplicable due to the need to apply a narrow exception or standard so as to realize the purpose of the rule’[2].

Kennedy invites us to ‘[s]uppose that the fundamental contradiction has “always” existed, in its present degree of intensity and pervasiveness’, which therefore makes us wonder why ‘it has either not been experienced at all, or not acknowledged by any of the succeeding generations of Western Leading thinkers … of the very recent past’. He further invites us to suppose that ‘there have existed processes of mediation, or denial’[3] that served to ‘hide or disguise it from those engaged in the enterprise of legal thought’.[4] From a Marxist standpoint this position is eminently worthy of critique, Brian Leiter has described Kennedy as a ‘philosophical liberal who views the ‘conflict’ between individual and society as a perennial feature of the human situation’[5] who has ‘abandoned all the philosophical content of genuine antiliberal positions’.[6]

However, the rational kernel of this position can serve as a starting point for a Marxist account, provided its flaws are properly addressed. Kennedy’s line can be critiqued on two basic fronts. Firstly, there is the problem that he (like Roberto Unger) ‘presents his favoured principles and disfavoured counter-principles as universal: he gives no indication of their genesis or the conditions of their existence’.[7]

This criticism is not entirely fair, as it is possible to – even on Kennedy’s own terms – to find an account for the conditions of the existence of the fundamental contradiction. Although Kennedy asks us to ‘[s]uppose that the fundamental contradiction has “always” existed’ he immediately posits that this contradiction has been historically mediated and hence ‘hidden’. If a contradiction is ‘mediated’ and hidden it is not ‘active’, and therefore has no effect upon the law – if this is the case this then materially speaking there is no contradiction at all. If this is the case then there must be some reason why it becomes active. This explicitly opens the door for a materialist account of the conditions that allow it to become active – in effect the conditions of its genesis.

The stronger critique is the second one, that ‘in Critical Legal Theory, abstract notions such as ‘individualism’ and ‘altruism’ have come to be seen as producing contradictions in their own right qua ideas’.[8] From a Marxian standpoint this is obviously insufficient, as a Marxist account as its prime role is to show ‘how theoretical problems are generated from the relations between individuals in society’. One can easily reconstruct Kennedy’s account by integrating it within a historical materialist framework. A Marxist account would address the two problems together, as inseparable moments in a historical movement. For China Miéville the basic Marxist position is that the ‘social relations of general commodity production are the foundation for liberalism and its contradictions’.[9] This analysis provides a starting point, however much more detail is required; one must conduct a historical analysis of the development of these social relations, so as to see how they relate the fundamental contradiction.

Much of the analysis has already been laid out in this piece. The basic account of how the transition from liberalism to feudalism provides a background theoretical and historical account. Such an account is further fleshed out in Marx’s account of pre-capitalist societies in the Grundrisse.[10] For Marx ‘human beings become individuals only through the process of history. He appears originally as a species-being [Gattungswesen], clan being, herd animal’[11], in this context the fundamental contradiction cannot be active, since the individual is mediated through the community. This is mirrored in the notion of hereditary privilege and custom. However, as has previously been outlined ‘[e]xchange … makes the herd-like existence superfluous and dissolves it’.[12] Such an analysis is necessary but not sufficient for a Marxian account of the fundamental contradiction. Although it has posited how individuals might well suddenly come into conflict one would imagine that since the ‘community’ has been dissolved there is suddenly nothing that conflict with these individuals.

Of course, this notion is premised on the idea that the community that remains is simply an aggregation of these individual wills and therefore has no ‘collective’ aspect. This is patently false. In fact, the Marxist position is much more complicated than this. A Marxist approach does not hold that the ‘organic community’ is the only form of ‘collectivity’ that exists, thus the abolition of this community and the transformation of its constituents into individual commodity bearers (and consequently legal subjects) does not mean that society has been rendered more individualistic. In fact the development of the capitalist economy, even at its most basic has a very different result. In Capital, Marx outlines the process whereby capitalist production develops from manufacture. The key element in this process is the drawing together of labour under capital – ‘the laws of the production of value are only fully realised for the individual producer, when he produces as a capitalist and employs a number of workmen together, whose labour its collective nature is at once stamped as average social labour’.[13] Thus capital, as a social relation – even whilst it is dissolving ‘the herd-like existence’ – requires the drawing together of people in cooperative endeavour

Furthermore, the historical development of the capitalist economy has led to an ever greater development in communication and socialisation. As Marx and Engels famously put it in the Manifesto of the Communist Party:

The bourgeoisie keeps more and more doing away with the scattered state of the population, of the means of production, and of property. It has agglomerated population, centralised means of production … The necessary consequence of this was political centralisation. Independent, or but loosely connected provinces, with separate interest, laws, governments and systems of taxation become lumped together[14]

The advance of capitalism has facilitated greater and greater intercourse between people and nations, developing as it has new forms of communication as a necessity for economic intercourse. Yet simultaneously with this development it continuously posits individuals (both economically and legally) as isolated subjects, herein lies the materialist explanation of the fundamental contradiction. Marx and Engels recognised that this contradiction was important, and that it operated on both a micro and macro level in capitalist society. Thus, in his discussion of cooperation Marx noted that ‘[b]eing independent of each other, the labourers are isolated persons, who enter into relations with the capitalist but not with one and another. This co-operation begins only with the labour process’.[15]

Engels is much more forthright in dealing with this contradiction, and deals with as a global contradiction. For Engels ‘production itself had become in essence socialised. But they were subjected to a form appropriation which presupposes the private production of individuals’, this contradiction ‘contains the germ of the whole of the social antagonisms of today’[16]. In fact, rather serendipitously Engels refers to this as the ‘[f]undamental contradiction’.[17] A Marxist account therefore locates the contradiction giving rise to indeterminacy in the law firmly within the realm of commodity production. Commodity production necessarily posits individuals as isolated subjects, whilst simultaneously developing an ever more socialised form of production and society, as this develops the two come into irreconcilable conflict, which is itself manifested in other social forms. In this way the conflict between the ‘individual’ and society is historicised and placed firmly within the realm of the material. One can also explain why indeterminacy did not necessarily plague all other legal systems, as it is only upon the generalisation of commodity exchange (i.e. capitalism) that the ‘community’ is destroyed concurrently with an increasing socialisation of all aspects of life.

Such an analysis is not entirely ignored in Pashukanis’, who recognised that the law is ‘a form of external authoritative regulation and a form of subjective private autonomy’. This analysis is carried further and beautifully linked with the notion of a fundamental contradiction in capitalist commodity exchange when Pashukanis puts forward the position that law ‘appears both as the basis of social organization and as the means for individuals “to be disassociated, yet integrated in society”’[18]. What is particularly interesting is that Pashukanis seems to notice the inherently contradictory position of the commodity form and the legal form, insofar as both posit an isolated individual subject yet this subject is necessarily posited in terms of another subject.

I'm not entirely satisfied with, I need to expand on the basic contradiction inherent in the commodity form (which Pashukanis identifies) and then maybe put in a reference to the Hegelian dialectic of consciousness. This has also prompted me to start thinking some more about criminal law from Pashukanis' perspective, and about the critiques he's received on the subject.

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[1] Kennedy, 28 Buff. L. Rev. 205 1978-1979, Structures, p.210

[2] Martii Koskenniemi, ‘And by Their Acts You Shall Know Them…(And Not by their Legal Theories), EJIL 15 (2004) 839, at p.850

[3] Kennedy, Structures 213

[4] Kennedy, Structures 214

[5] Leiter, 1997 17 Oxford J. Legal Stud. 367, p.383

[6] Leiter, 1993-1994 142 U. Pa. L. Rev. 549, p.574

[7] David Jabbari, From Criticism to Construction in Modern Critical Legal Theory, 1992 12 Oxford J. Legal Stud. 509, p.519

[8] Jabbari, p.541

[9] Mieville, BER 54

[10] Marx-Engels Reader, p.261-276

[11] MER, p.262

[12] MER, p.262

[13] Capital, p.196

[14] MER, p.477

[15] Capital, 204

[16] MER 704

[17] MER 717

[18] GTLM 70

Law and Society

Not law or lawyers, but society, gives fighting advantage to the propertied.
Karl Llewellyn, The Bramble Bush, p. 145

Considering all the bad public image lawyers get (and in most cases I'd imagine it is a thorough deserved reputation), this quote could just seem to be the knee jerk defence of an offended lawyer. However, I reckon Llewellyn has a point, in so far as he enables us to see the complex interrelations between law and society (although the conceptual separation of the two is not necessarily something I'd advocate).

I think that, as it goes, what Llewellyn says is spot on. If one wishes to identify the reasons why certain members of 'society' ('the propertied') are systemically and structurally favoured it seems foolish to simply look at law. Such domination is rooted in the deep structure of a particular material totality.

However, this being said I think that Llewellyn may be going a little bit too far in his assertion. Firstly, taking this position artificially separates 'law' from 'society'. This seems in opposition to the fact that Llewellyn's own writing posits the close link between the two. Secondly, such a statement ignores the important role that law and legal systems play in reproducing capitalist relations of production and protecting them. When one looks at a social formation as a historically constituted totality it is often foolish to separate production and reproduction in such a rigid way, as ultimately the two may be organic to eachother.

This is especially true of the legal form, insofar as it plays the vital role of interpellating people as legal subjects. Can one really imagine the capitalist mode of production without some of the vital legal relations it throws up (contract, property etc.). This is especially true when looks at the close reciprocal relation between the relations of production and the law. Law serves to butress protect, and in some instances even create a given set of productive relations. In this sense though we can and should give primacy to 'society', it is foolish to think that it does all the work. Law and society exist in a dialetical, reciprocal relation, with (to coin a phrase) society causing in dominance.

Indeterminacy

Hmmm...long time no update. I had actually started to write this post about a week ago whilst slightly intoxicated by it wouldn't 'flow', so now, several essays and lots of reading later, I'll have a go.

O.k. before I outline the indeterminacy of legal reasoning I thought I'd outline the object of critique, i.e. the notion that legal reasoning is determinate.

Essentially a lot of liberal legalism posits that there is a discrete type of legal reasoning. This reasoning creates 'rules' of law, which are then applied to different situations. The different situations are predictably resolved by these rules and we all live happily ever after.

The indeterminacy (or under-determinacy) thesis makes several observations:

1. A rule cannot guarantee a particular result when applied to a particular situation (thus on the basis of the rules we cannot predict judical decisions).
2. That 'legal' reasoning is not sufficient to decide how to resolve a particular situation, hence some 'other' type of reasoning must be used.

Firstly, I will talk about the causal ineffectiveness of legal reasoning. Some people notably, the crits, adopt the view point that the indeterminacy of legal reasoning is rooted in the general, or global indeterminacy of language. I myself have a problem with this, because as we all know language may be under-determinate but meaning is given through community discourse.

Language, in terms of the law, can be a starting point for indeterminacy, if we confine it to the legal sphere. It is true that it is often unclear what a particular term means. In terms of the law it is not true that a 'community' gives a term a fixed meaning. This is because the very structure of the legal community, and the legal form, leads to contestation, lawyers are premised on the idea that legal language is contestible.

Furthermore, because statutory langauge will be necessary indeterminate it must be interpreted. It is a mistake to think of interpretation as being about divining what a word means or what it was intended to mean, rather interpretation is about giving effect to something, or resolving a particular situation. Furthermore, there are many contradictory canons of statutory interpretation, that mean a 'word' can be construed in innumerable different ways because of 'legal reasoning'.

Secondly, and linked to this is the fact that 'words' and rules have got to be applied to facts. If, as a good Pashukan-ite, one sees law as being rooted in form then this becomes important. Law's primacy lies in resolving disputes between formally equal legal subjects, thus the application of a 'rule' to a particular dispute constitutes the dynamic 'essence' of the law. Thus it is necessary to see if a particular situation is subsumed beneath a particular rule. This can be problematic in practice, as every situation cannot have been contemplated by the 'rule maker'. Thus the court must somehow decide whether a given situation falls within a particular rule.

Application is even more problematic when we're discussing the common law. This is because most common law cases contain numerous, different, lengthy judgments, with dissents etc. This means that a judge, when examining 'precedent' has no clear line 'telling' him/her what to do, since the precedent can't 'tell' the judge what to do, some other criteria must suffice. This is worsened by the fact that every precedent can be read broadly or loosely, or even 'confined to the facts'.

Also very problematic is the combination of the meaning/application of certain terms such as 'reasonableness', 'fairness' etc. These terms are highly contextual and are so broad that they cannot guarantee any particular result.

Thus if legal reasoning cannot guarantee a result how are decisions made? Evidently there must be some other (perhaps unconcsious) criterion that goes into the decision, this is where material conditions make their impact.

Some more thoughts on rights

“Real rules”, then, if I had my way with words would by legal scientists be called the practices of the courts, and not “rules” at all. And statements of “rights” would be statements of likelihood that in a given situation a certain type of court action loomed in the offing.
Karl Llewellyn 1930, ‘A Realistic Jurisprudence: The Next Step’, 30 Columbia Law Review 431, p. 448

Karl Llewellyn was one of the leading legal realists, a movement in which I have grown very interested. As I will later try to show one can make a close link between Marxist materialism and the legal realists, a project which I am currently attempting. Llewellyn’s statement here can be viewed as a continuation of my previous post on rights, and a springboard for further discussion.

The statement, , is a perfect expression of a materialist conception of the law, in two meaningful senses. Firstly, Llewellyn seems to be expressing the same notion as Pashukanis, that a right, materially speaking, is only a right insofar as it is embodied in actual social practice, i.e. if it actually ‘regulates’ conduct. Thus, for Llewellyn a right is in fact a ‘description’ of the likelihood of a certain type of social practice prevailing over the other.

Secondly, and with a bit more extrapolation, Llewellyn is further saying that a right must be judged by its material effects. Of course, such a point is similar to the above, but different enough to be considered in its own right. I think the point here is that with the focus on ‘a certain type of court action’ we move into the terrain of interpretation. Let me explain, the ‘right’ to freedom of speech is prima facie seen as allowing people to express their opinions, yet in the US, if one examines the ‘court actions’ that take place under its auspices, a different story emerges.

Now, I don’t profess to be an expert on US law (frankly, I don’t profess to be an expert on anything), however, I do know that the constitutional guarantee to free speech has been used to allow corporations to make unlimited donations to political parties, so as to guarantee their ‘free speech’. If one takes Llewellyn’s position an examines a right through its manifestation in the court, and so ultimately its manifestation in social practice, suddenly the ‘right’ to free speech becomes a mite more complex.

What this also brings into play is Lenin’s much maligned polemic on freedom, his opinion being:

“Freedom yes, but for whom? To do what?”

Lenin’s retort is a blunt expression of a materialist conception of ‘freedom’, as embodied in ‘rights’. Every right, is a right insofar as it is actualised, but merely noting that it is enforced is not enough, one must note the situations in which it is enforced, what is the right really a right to do? This is the problem with ‘rights consciousness’, and any adoption of it.

Therefore, when we examine a right from a materialist perspective we included within it are all of the ways in which it manifests itself socially. This is because the right has to be seen as a social relation, not a thing-in-itself, but a form of social regulation as embodied in the interaction between legal subjects. This of course leads to the conclusion that the process of interpretation, the way that a particular ‘law’ is interpreted and enforced, in a dispute is hugely important, much more important that what a particular ‘law’ or ‘right’ says ‘on paper’.

By taking the term ‘rights’ at face value we will almost always divert our attention away from a materialist analysis. When we begin to see rights as abstract entities, good in and of themselves, we forget that a right is merely ‘a state[ment] of likelihood that in a given situation a certain type of court action loom[s]’. If one forget this fact there is a tendency to dissociate rights from their material manifestations, their consequences. Such a tendency can only be detrimental, as one need only observe the numerous ways in which seemingly ‘progressive’ rights are put towards reactionary uses. Witness the BNP framing their resistance in terms of ‘freedom of speech’, witness the invasion of Yugoslavia on the basis of ‘human rights’, when one stops analysing rights in a materialist fashion, stops looking at their material actualisation, and simply promotes rights, one may well end up legitimising domination.

And one cannot simply say that these reactionary uses of rights are some kind of ‘perversion’. Certainly these actions are potentialities contained within these general rights, and the very fact that they are manifested materially proves that they are not a perversion. They might well be contingent, in that their actualisation is not guaranteed, but they are certainly internal to the right, and probably internal to the very notion of rights.